MLK Memorial online symposium

  • October 14, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Rep. John Conyers Jr. This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial.


    The dedication of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial provides an opportunity to reflect and commit ourselves to Dr. King’s work. The ceremony on Oct. 16 will also serve as a homecoming for people of every nation who heeded Dr. King’s dare to dream and then worked toward the twin goals of justice and equality. In addition we honor the sacrifices of those who marched, sacrificed, and died – including Dr. King – in the struggle for equality and equal justice under law.

    But what exactly was King’s dream? The easy answer is an America free of racial injustice. But Dr. King understood that at the root of racial injustice lay economic injustice. Poverty went hand-in-hand with segregation. Poverty kept African Americans struggling under the yoke of segregation, and poverty bred the racism and ignorance that made segregation popular amongst their poor white neighbors. Dr. King dreamed to end not just racial injustice, but the poverty that had allowed it to flourish.              

    When you examine the levels of poverty and unemployment in the nation today, when juxtaposed against the current levels of defense spending from a decade of war, I believe that Dr. King would determine that the nation had failed to heed his vision of jobs, justice and peace.

  • September 1, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial. The author, Lucas Guttentag, teaches at Yale Law School, where he is Robina Foundation Distinguished Senior Fellow and Senior Research Scholar.  He also serves as senior counsel to the Immigrants’ Rights Project of the American Civil Liberties Union Foundation, and was the project’s founding director until 2011.  


    More than fifty years ago Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. heroically battled segregation and built a coalition of conscience to change our society and its laws. Today, a new struggle is being fought in many of the same places. Arizona, which famously refused to recognize Martin Luther King Day as a holiday, and Alabama, home of the Selma march and Dr. King’s “Letters from a Birmingham Jail,” today defend the most punitive anti-immigrant state laws in the country. 

    Under the banner of regulating immigration, these laws would institute a new system of discrimination.  They would encourage – if not compel – racial and ethnic profiling, prohibit offering transportation and housing to undocumented immigrants, impose state punishment for immigration-registration violations, and – under the Alabama law – require  schools to conduct immigration checks on students and their parents in a transparent attempt to deny children their constitutional right to public education. This virtual barricading of Alabama’s public schools by state officials is a grim reminder of earlier refusals to provide equal education for all.

    It is telling – and deserves high praise – that the Obama Justice Department has joined Alabama’s religious leaders and a coalition of civil rights groups in suing to stop the Alabama law as it did the earlier Arizona SB1070 statute.

    To be sure, immigration is a complex subject. But falling prey to superficial responses that exacerbate discrimination, target all who look or sound “foreign,” and cater to those who fear changing demographics or new immigrants is not the answer. Though sadly, it is nothing new and as much a part of our history as the glorious Statue of Liberty. For example, earlier hostility against Chinese immigrants in California led to racist state and local laws, including the infamous San Francisco anti-Chinese laundry ordinance that was struck down by the Supreme Court in 1886.

    But easily overlooked in the current controversy over state anti-immigrant laws is the even more fundamental fact that federal immigration laws and practices routinely deny basic constitutional protections to non-citizens in a system of mass arrest, detention and deportation. 

  • August 29, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial. The author, Cedric Ricks, is the communications associate of the National Fair Housing Alliance.


    I still believe that freedom is the bonus you receive for telling the truth.  You shall know the truth and the truth shall set you free.  And I do not see how we will ever solve the turbulent problem of race confronting our nation until there is an honest confrontation with it and a willing search for the truth and a willingness to admit the truth when we discover it. -  Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Grosse Pointe, Mich., on March 14, 1968

    One week after the assassination of Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., President Lyndon Johnson signed into law the federal Fair Housing Act Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968.  It took the loss of King and the resulting uprising to convince a timid Congress to act on behalf of millions of African-Americans living in substandard housing conditions in segregated communities. It’s fitting that more than 40 years later the nation now honors Dr. King with a memorial on the National Mall in the nation’s capital.

    The tribute is a time for celebration at the National Fair Housing Alliance, but also a reminder that despite some real successes much of King’s vision, especially in achieving fairness in housing, remains a work in progress. In January 1966, Dr. King moved his family to the tenements on Chicago’s West side to dramatize the city’s deplorable segregated housing conditions. King used the rental experiences of black and white volunteers to prove that realtors were systematically denying African-Americans access to housing in Chicago. His call for making Chicago an “Open City” for housing and the subsequent riots that followed days later in the summer of 1966 were a sobering reminder for Americans that discrimination and bias in housing existed in areas other than the South.

    In weeks leading up to his death, Dr. King spoke of the sad dualism of American society that allowed millions of people to “have the milk of prosperity and honey of equality” while millions of other citizens lived a daily ugliness that turned hope “into the fatigue of despair.” He described an America where almost 40 percent of African-American families lived in substandard housing conditions, thousands of youth attended inferior segregated schools and were deprived of an adequate education and a society that allowed millions to languish in unemployment or toil long hours for earnings that didn’t offer a livable wage. Life is arguably different, yet also strikingly similar for millions of Americans more than four decades after King’s inspiring journey.

    The Fair Housing Act grew out of the Civil Right era, but it has been expanded over the years to protect individuals from discrimination based not only on race, color, and national origin, but also religion, sex, disability and familial status. In the future, protections may also be offered based on source of income, gender identity and sexual orientation. The law applies to housing and housing-related activities, including apartment and home rentals, real estate sales, mortgage lending and homeowners insurance.  But the act does more than just eliminate discrimination - its initial and continuing intent is to promote integration.

    Today, legalized segregation in housing and many other aspects of American life has fallen away. But even with our steps toward equality 65 percent of Americans living in metropolitan areas still reside in areas of high segregation. There are also at least four million acts of housing discrimination every year. We know that where one lives still determines so much in life including education, access to health care and job opportunities.

  • August 26, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial. The author, Ali Noorani, is executive director of the National Immigration Forum.


    On September 22, 1966, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. sent a telegram to Cesar Chavez, leader of the United Farm Workers (UFW).

    For Dr. King, it was the height of the civil rights movement and a month before his death. For Chavez, it was the ascendancy of the UFW as they fought to secure collective bargaining agreements for farm workers in the grape fields of California.

    The telegram read:

    As brothers in the fight for equality, I extend the hand of fellowship and good will and wish continuing success to you and your members. The fight for equality must be fought on many fronts – in the urban slums, in the sweat shops of the factories and fields. Our separate struggles are really one – a struggle for freedom, for dignity, and for humanity. You and your valiant fellow workers have demonstrated your commitment to righting grievous wrongs forced upon exploited people. We are together with you in spirit and in determination that our dreams for a better tomorrow will be realized.

    Dr. King’s lessons ring true to this day as all of us continue to fight for equality. 

    The immigration movement’s path to justice requires hands of fellowship from the most unlikely of places. For the rights of immigrants, powerful hands of fellowship have come from conservative Christian leaders and law enforcement. 

  • August 26, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial. The author, Theodore M. Shaw, is of counsel at Fulbright & Jaworski, a professor at Columbia Law School, and an American Constitution Society Board Member. He was director-counsel and president of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund between 2004 and 2008.


    On August 28, 2011, forty-eight years to the day Martin Luther King, Jr. delivered from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial his famed speech known for its “I have a dream” refrain, Americans are honoring him with a statue on the National Mall. Already honored with a national holiday, King will be forever enshrined with Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln on some of our nation’s most hallowed ground. This high honor is a special point of pride for black Americans, given Dr. King’s role in the Civil Rights Movement of the fifties and sixties, and his stature as a martyr in the struggle for racial and economic justice.  

    For most Americans, King’s iconic status has grown over the years to the point that it obscures the realities of who he was, and for what he stood. In spite of his many admirers, King did not enjoy universal support during his lifetime. Now that he is safely dead, his legacy is often misappropriated by those who were or who would be opposed to his life’s work. Ideological conservatives opposed to affirmative action in higher education and voluntary elementary and secondary school desegregation have shamelessly and dishonestly distorted his legacy and invoked his name in support of their agenda. For many, his hopeful vision of an America in which his children would no longer be ”judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character” means an adherence to a kind of color-blindness that would block all efforts targeted at helping African Americans. For them, color-blindness is the sum total of all he said and did. Yet King’s dream was not of a simplistic color-blindness; he was a strong advocate of affirmative action and supporter of school desegregation. While King’s powerfully eloquent articulation of his dream for America has resounded over the decades since the August, 1963 March on Washington, he said and stood for so much more.